Summary
Abkhazia is a strategically located province on the Black Sea in the northwestern corner of the Republic of Georgia. Since the final years of the Soviet Union, ethnic Abkhazs, who initially constituted a clear minority in the area, have sought to assert their independence from Georgia. In 1991, war erupted as Georgian troops battled Abkhaz forces, alleged to have the backing of Russia and various northern Caucasus militant groups. More than 250,000 ethnic Georgians fled Abkhazia because of the fighting, fueling accusations that Abkhaz forces carried out a campaign of ethnic cleansing. Refugees and internally displaced persons affected by the conflict have not yet returned to Abkhazia. Throughout the 1990s, the United Nations (U.N.), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), and the Group of Friends (consisting of American, British, German, French, and Russian envoys) have attempted to negotiate a resolution to the conflict, but the situation remains a stalemate. Abkhazia, which is economically isolated as a result of a Georgian embargo, continues to operate as a de facto protectorate of Russia. The geopolitical dimensions of the conflict have grown increasingly important, as Russia has sought to use its military support for Abkhazia as leverage against President Saakashvili’s pro-Western government. Georgia has accused Russia of seeking to informally annex Abkhazia. In recent months, Georgian and Abkhaz officials have restarted negotiations in talks sponsored by the Group of Friends. Although a comprehensive settlement has yet to be reached, negotiators on both sides have described the recent talks as positive and hope to continue such discussions in the future. Georgia has offered Abkhazia a high degree of autonomy, but insists on preserving its territorial integrity. Abkhazia, meanwhile, continues to demand independence. Many outside observers stress the need to peacefully resolve the dispute because of fears that another armed conflict in Abkhazia could destabilize the region.
Editor's Note:
The 2008 conflict between Georgia and Russia over South Ossetia affected Abkhazia as well. The French-brokered peace agreement that was intended to end that crisis included implications for both South Ossetia and Abkhazia. See "Special Report" below for details about that situation.
Background/Context
The ethnic Abkhaz people have close historical, cultural, and linguistic ties to the peoples of the Russian North Caucasus and are ethnically distinct from the Georgian people. The Russian empire incorporated Abkhazia as a protectorate in 1810 and formally annexed the area in 1864. Many ethnic Abkhazians fled as Russians and Georgians arrived.
A few years after the Bolshevik Revolution, the Soviets gave Abkhazia the status of an Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR). In 1931, however, Joseph Stalin, who liked to vacation in the area, allowed the Georgian SSR to formally annex Abkhazia. Although the area was still called an autonomous region, there was very little autonomy during Stalin’s rule. Georgian became the official language while the Abkhaz people suffered cultural and linguistic oppression. The situation became less severe when Khrushchev came to power.
When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, less than one-fifth of the Abkhaz population were ethnic Abkhazians. Most were ethnic Georgians. When Georgia became independent, ethnic Abkhazs wanted to declare their independence and establish closer ties with Russia. In 1992, the Georgian government sent 2,000 troops to Abkhazia to enforce the status quo. In 1993, however, Georgian troops were driven out by fierce fighting that killed 10,000. More than 250,000 Georgians became refugees and have been unable to return ever since. Georgia accused Russia of providing support to Abkhaz separatist forces. Militants from the north Caucasus also arrived to support Abkhazia. Chechen fighters, despite being openly hostile to Russia, also assisted the Abkhazs.
Russian, Georgian, and Abkhaz authorities signed a ceasefire agreement in Moscow in September 1992. The agreement stipulated that Georgian territorial integrity would be maintained. However, the agreement was never fully implemented and the ceasefire eventually collapsed in October 1992 as fighting resumed. Abkhaz forces captured most of the major cities and brought nearly 80 percent of the contested territory under Abkhaz control.
Georgia and Abkhazia signed a new ceasefire agreement in July 1993. At that point, the United Nations (U.N.) Security Council created the United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) to verify compliance with the ceasefire. The ceasefire, however, again collapsed in September 1993 when Abkhaz forces launched more attacks, eventually gaining controlling of all of Abkhazia. The situation caused hundreds of thousands of ethnic Georgians to flee the area.
On April 4, 1994, Georgia and Abkhazia signed the Declaration on Measures for a Political Settlement of the Georgian/Abkhaz Conflict in Moscow, which committed both sides to observing yet another new ceasefire and cooperating to ensure the “safe, secure, and dignified” return of all civilians who had fled the zone of conflict. On May 14, 1994, both sides signed the Moscow Ceasefire Agreement, which created a demilitarized zone around the Inguri river. Russian peacekeeping troops, under the auspices of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), were authorized to monitor the ceasefire. UNOMIG was also tasked with monitoring the ceasefire. Further negotiations took place in the context of the Geneva Peace Process, which was chaired by the U.N. The negotiations were observed by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and by the “Group of Friends,” consisting of United States (U.S.), British, French, German, and Russian representatives.
Georgian and Abkhaz officials met in Geneva in 1997 for talks mediated by the U.N, where they agreed to establish a Coordination Council to resolve practical issues between them. The Coordination Council established three working groups to address security issues, refugees and internally displaced persons, and economic and social programs.
In May 1998, fighting broke out in the Gali district of Abkhazia when Georgian partisans attempted to take back control part of that district. By that point, tens of thousands of Georgian internally displaced persons had returned to their homes in the Gali district. Upwards of 40,000 Georgians were then expelled and 1,500 homes burned in an Abkhaz-sweep operation.
In 1999, Russia agreed to close its base at Gudauta in the conflict zone, pledging that it would only be used for peacekeeping purposes. However, Georgia expressed doubts that the base was being used solely for such operations, alleging that Russia still used it to provide military support to pro-independence Abkhaz forces. Georgia has complained about not being given access to inspect the Russian facilities.
In 2001, Georgia and Abkhazia signed an agreement not to use force against one another. In 2002, the U.N. and the Group of Friends presented a document that outlined a possible solution to the conflict based on the expectation of preserving Georgian territorial integrity. However, the Abkhaz side has never accepted the document as a basis for negotiation.
In 2001, the Russian conflict in Chechnya once again became intertwined with Georgia. Russia accused the Georgian government of providing sanctuary to Chechen rebels on Georgian territory. That autumn, Georgian partisans and Chechen fighters reportedly fought their way through Abkhaz lines.
In 2003, the Group of Friends sponsored a series of talks with the purpose of establishing the principles for a final political settlement of the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict. In 2004, these talks were broke off amid rising Georgian-Abkhaz tensions. Abkhazia continued to suspend its participation in the talks until it held elections for a new de facto president. Following the election of Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili in 2005, the new governments of both sides resumed talks in Geneva with the Group of Friends.
Current Initiative
In March 2006, the Georgian government announced it would reopen negotiations with Abkhaz officials. In May 2006, the Group of Friends and the U.N.-led Coordination Council sponsored talks between Georgia and Abkhaz officials in Tbilisi. The talks covered security issues in the Gali region of western Georgia, refugees and internally displaced persons, and economic plans for the zone of conflict. The de facto Abkhaz foreign minister stated that Abkhazia was satisfied with the talks and Georgian officials spoke of “cautious optimism.” In June 2006, the Georgian government presented a peace plan for ending the conflict to its parliament. The plan stresses the need for Georgian territorial integrity to be maintained, though it would seek to recognize the historical, cultural, and linguistic heritage of the Abkhaz people by granting the province “broad domestic sovereignty” over its internal affairs. The plan calls for the orderly return of refugees and internally displaced persons and the restoration of their lost property. The plan also pledges that the Georgian government will continue civil discussions with Abkhaz leaders and will continue to encourage the participation of multilateral institutions in facilitating the peace process. Abkhaz officials, however, have not embraced such a plan, instead demanding completely independence from Georgia.
In June 2006, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili held talks in St. Petersburg covering a wide range of issues in Georgian-Russian relations, including Abkhazia. Though both sides stated that the talks failed to resolve key differences, they both pledged to work to improve ties. In July 2006, Georgia requested that the U.N. Security Council replace Russian troops with U.N. peacekeepers, citing concerns that Russia does not have a neutral position on the conflict. Georgia alleged that Russia is continuing to provide military support to Abkhaz separatists. President Saakashvili accused Russia of using its peacekeeping presence as pretext to informally annex Abkhazia. Russia vehemently denied the allegations. The U.N. Security Council is unlikely to grant Georgia’s request considering that Russia, as a permanent member, has veto-power over all resolutions. The Abkhaz government said that the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers would destabilize the peace process and that Abkhazia would be forced to mine its border with Georgia.
Editor's Note:
The 2008 conflict between Georgia and Russia over South Ossetia affected Abkhazia as well. The French-brokered peace agreement that was intended to end that crisis included implications for both South Ossetia and Abkhazia. See "Special Report" below for details about that situation.
Foreign Policy Positions of Key Players
Georgia
Having been embroiled in a civil war with breakaway provinces such as South Ossetia and Abkhazia throughout the 1990s, Georgia insists on preserving its territorial integrity. Georgia believes that Russia played a crucial role in providing military and political support to Abkhaz separatists. Georgia has accused of Abkhaz forces of ethnic cleansing, an allegation which the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has endorsed. Furthermore, Georgia believes that Russia is seeking to solidify its position in Abkhazia in order to achieve a de facto annexation of the province. After coming to power in the “Rose Revolution”, President Saakashvili has pledged reintegrate breakaway provinces.
Abkhazia
Abkhazia demands the restoration of its pre-1931 status and insists that there can be no settlement until Georgia recognizes its independence, which it declared in 1994. No country has formally recognized Abkhazia’s sovereignty. A Georgian economic embargo has further isolated Abkhazia, although Russia has sought to soften the consequences of this by maintaining a border crossing and railway line. Abkhazia is currently a de facto Russian protectorate with many of its citizens holding Russian passports and using the Russian ruble as currency. Abkhaz officials want Russian oil companies to start drilling for oil along its coast in the Black Sea, though the Georgian government claims ownership of all natural resources in the area.
Russia
Russia has traditionally viewed the North Caucasus as its sphere of influence and has done much to support the Abkhaz cause. In recent years, Russia has also sought to use its military presence in Abkhazia as leverage against President Saakashvili’s Western-oriented government, which is trying to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). .
United States
According to the U.S. Department of State, U.S. policy officially supports the preservation of Georgian territorial integrity through peaceful means. As a member of the Group of Friends, the U.S. supports negotiations toward a comprehensive settlement of the dispute, including the return of refugees and internally displaced persons. Under the George W. Bush administration, the U.S. has sought to establish a strategic partnership with Georgia. Since coming to power in the Rose Revolution, President Saakashvili has supported American geopolitical objectives concerning energy and security issues.
United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia
The United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia was established in August 1993 to monitor the ceasefire between Georgian and Abkhaz authorities. UNOMIG’s mandate was further expanded in April 1994 to monitor the new ceasefire. In March 2006, the U.N. Security Council extended UNOMIG’s mandate for six additional months.
Current countries that contribute military personnel to UNOMIG include Albania, Austria, Bangladesh, Croatia, Czech Republic, Denmark, Egypt, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Indonesia, Jordan, Pakistan, Poland, Romania, Russia, South Korea, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, Ukraine, United Kingdom, United States, and Uruguay.
Special Report
France negotiates truce agreement for Georgia and Russia as fighting dies down in separatist enclaves of South Ossetia and Abkhazia
On August 8, 2008, the Georgian military launched an attack against separatist targets in South Ossetia. The military offensive ensued only hours after the Georgian authorities and South Ossetia's separatists agreed to a Russian-brokered ceasefire.
The situation began when Georgian military troops and Russian-backed South Ossetian separatists were ensconced in violent clashes over the course of several days. Georgian tanks then attacked the separatist stronghold of Tskhinvali, presumably in an effort to regain control of the region.
According to Russian media, several people were reported to have been killed in the shelling. As well, Georgian forces and South Ossetian separatists were reported to be exchanging heavy fire. To that end, explosions and rocket fire were heard in the area around Tskhinvali. The British newspaper, The Independent, reported that "the assault is coming from all directions."
For its part, Georgia said that it was taking this action to stabilize the territory [South Ossetia]. Georgian Minister for Integration, Temur Yakobashvili, said that his country was compelled to terminate South Ossetia's "criminal regime" and to "restore constitutional order" to the breakaway region. Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili himself called for an end to bloodshed to end, but warned the South Ossetian separatists that Tbilisi's patience was not limitless.
On the other side of the equation, South Ossetian rebel leader Eduard Kokoity said that Georgia was carrying out "a perfidious and base" attack on Tskhinvali. He also confirmed the assault on Tskhinvali saying, "The storming of Tskhinvali has started." Eyewitnesses on the ground said that the city was being attacked, the hospital was destroyed and the university was on fire. The Red Cross reported that there were numerous casualties needing medical attention.
In response, Russia was said to be deploying troops to South Osseta to assist peacekeepers operating there. Indeed, an aide to the Russian Land Forces commander confirmed that Russian tanks and troops had entered South Ossetia and were approaching Tskhinvali, which was reported to have been already devastated by the Georgain offensive there.
Russia's military presence in the region was not well-received by Georgia, given the fact that the Georgian government has long accused Russia of arming South Ossetian separatists. But Russia has its own counter-argument to levy against Georgia. It has accused Georgia of deliberately ramping up its own military presence in breakaway regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and assuming a hard-line posture against these enclaves. Russia's tensions with Georgia have been partially rooted in another concern. Specifically, Russia has been opposed to pro-Western Georgia's ambitions to join NATO. This geopolitical element has textured the larger context of the territorial struggle being played out in South Ossetia.
It should be noted that Russia has enjoyed strong ties with South Ossetia, largely due to the fact that the ethnically-related province of North Ossetia is located within its borders, and both the south and the north have long hoped to unite. Indeed, many South Ossetians hold Russian citizenship. As such, with vested interests on both sides of the border, Russia called for an end to the ongoing violence. Russia also urged the international community to work cooperatively "to avert massive bloodshed and new victims."
However, the prospects for peace were not likely to be easily advanced, given the emerging situation in the region a day later. On August 9, 2008, Georgian authorities said that Russian jets had bombed military targets inside its territory – specifically in the Georgian town on Gori to the south of South Ossetia. They also said that one attack ensued close to the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, which is known to supply Caspian oil to the West. Georgia described the air strikes as "a full-scale military invasion" and Georgian President Saakashvili claimed that Russia was at war with his country.
Russia had a very different perspective and placed the blame squarely on the Georgians. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov indicated the dire nature of the situation by asserting that already 1,500 people had died in the conflict and more than 30,000 South Ossetian had fled into Russia to escape the threat of death. The Russian government said that it had to act to protect the South Ossetians, many of whom hold Russian citizenship. Russian President Dmitri Medvedev said that Georgia also bore a responsibility for "protecting the [South Ossetian] population" and that his country's military action was intended "to force the Georgian side to peace."
By August 9, 2008, the Russian army had advanced to take complete control South Ossetia's capital of Tskhinvali. General Vladimir Boldyrev, the head of the Russian ground forces said, "Tactical groups have completely liberated Tskhinvali from the Georgian military." Boldyrev also said that Russian forces would keep up the pressure on Georgian military units. Russian President Dmitry Medvedev explained his country's objectives in South Ossetia saying, "Under these circumstances, Russia is guided by one task -- to immediately stop violence and defend civilians and restore peace as soon as possible." President Dmitry Medvedev also demanded the withdrawal of Georgian troops from the conflict zone, saying that it was the only way to settle the "tragic crisis."
That same day, Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili called for an end to hostilities saying, "We propose an immediate ceasefire and the beginning of the withdrawal of troops from the contact line." On the home front, the Georgia's parliament approved a presidential decree that essentially imposed two weeks of martial law in the country.
A day later on August 10, 2008, Georgia said that it was withdrawing its troops from the South Ossetian capital of Tskhinvali in the face of Russia's counter-offensive. Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili said his country's troops were returning to the positions they held before the conflict erupted days earlier. There was, however, some confusion about whether Georgian troops were pulling out of Tskhinvali or withdrawing entirely from South Ossetia. Georgian Reintegration Minister Temur Yakobashvili confirmed that the troops left Tskhinvali but were remaining in other areas of South Ossetia. Russian sources said that Georgian military units were still active in South Ossetia.
Presumably due to the continued activity by Georgian military units in South Ossetia, and what Moscow described as continued Georgian offensive action, Russian forces were continuing to carry out its own military action into Georgian territory. Reports from the region suggested that Russia carried out an air strike on a military airfield near the Tbilisi International Airport.
With the situation grim despite the earlier declaration of a withdrawal of troops from Tskhinvali, Georgia said that it had submitted a note to the Russian embassy in Tblisi calling for immediate negotiations with Russia regarding "an end to all hostilities and a ceasefire." Russia confirmed that the note had been received. Russia at the time also denied Georgia's claims that Russian air strikes had targeted populated areas.
But movement toward a resolution seemed no closer by August 11, 2008. Georgian authorities said that Russian air strikes hit communications facilities to the west of Tbilisi and the port city of Poti in the Black Sea. As well, Russian forces were reported to have led a raid through the other breakaway enclave of Abkhazia into the western Georgian town of Senaki. On the other side of the equation, Russia said that the Georgian military was still targeting positions in Tskhinvali, despite claims of a withdrawal and overtures of a ceasefire. In this way, both sides accused one another of continuing the hostilities and exacerbating the conflict.
On the international front, the United Nations Security Council had earlier convened an emergency session to consider the rapidly deteriorating security crisis in the Caucasus. Little was actually accomplished at that session. Likewise, a spokesperson from NATO had already called on both sides -- Georgian and Russian -- to exercise restraint. However, with the violence ongoing, clearly restraint was not at hand.
Nevertheless, the United States said that it was sending a delegation to the region to try to negotiate a resolution. The United States Department of States said that the envoys would "engage with the parties in the conflict." As well, a European Union delegation was en route to the region and said that it was hoping to procure a ceasefire and withdrawal agreement from both Georgia and Russia. A separate Council of Europe delegation was also hoping to advance dialogue.
In the same time period, according to news reports, Russian President Medvedev reiterated the death toll -- in the thousands -- during a conversation with United States President George W. Bush. For his part, Bush, who was attending the Beijing Olympics, called for an end to the violence, warned of escalation beyond the zone of conflict, and endorsed the notion of international mediation.
Indeed, the international community's objective appeared to be focused on averting the prospects of a war in the restive Caucasus, which has long been regarded as something of a powder keg. Yet to be determined was the question of whether or not such efforts would actually yield positive results.
Days later, Russia noted that its military activity in the area was ending and Russian troops were seen retreating from the area. The hostilities flared again when Georgia sent in troops to try to regain control of South Ossetia. Nevertheless, witnesses said that the full brunt of the fighting in South Ossetia appeared to be ending. Elsewhere in the region, Russian troops were withdrawing from the other breakaway region of Abkhazia, however, separatist there were reported to be ensconced in some continuing clashes with the Georgian military in the Kodori Gorge.
Yet even with an official truce in the offing (as discussed below) and an end to the fighting, the situation was not peaceful. A war of words continued. On an official day of mourning in his country, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev charged that Georgia had launched "genocide of the South Ossetian people.” At issue were the deaths of thousands of South Ossetians, many of whom hold Russian passports, as well as the deaths and injuries to scores of Russian soldiers, including one general. The Russian leader used the Russian word "otmorozki," which roughly translates to "thugs" in English, to characterize Georgian troops. Meanwhile, Georgian President Saakashvili addressed a crowd of thousands gathered in Tbilisi's main and accused Russia of the "ruthless, heartless destruction" of Georgians. The Georgian leader also warned that his country would no longer be a part of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) -- a group consisting of former Soviet republics.
On August 13, 2008, French President Nicolas Sarkozy was leading diplomatic negotiations to help Georgia and Russia resolve the crisis that had been sparked when Georgian military troops and Russian-backed South Ossetian separatists were ensconced in violent clashes over the course of several days. Georgian tanks then attacked the separatist stronghold of Tskhinvali, presumably in an effort to regain control of the region, and went onto gain military supremacy over large swaths of Georgian territory.
Sarkozy put forth a peace agreement that both sides signed days later. Central to the proposed plan for a truce was that all forces would pull back to pre-conflict positions. Other elements of the plan included an end to the use of force, an end to military action in perpetuity, as well as the free access of humanitarian aid. France, as the head of the European Union, has called on the European bloc to endorse the peace initiative ahead of its submission to the United Nations Security Council. The European Union was also expected consider deploying peacekeepers to the region to maintain peace and security, and also to protect the supply of humanitarian aid.
The remaining thorny issue, which was not included in the framework of the truce, was the future status of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Neither Russian President Medvedev nor Georgian President Saakashvili was likely to find common ground on that matter in the immediate future. Indeed, the Georgian leader asserted, "The territorial integrity and belonging of South Ossetia and Abkhazia to Georgia can never be put under doubt."
On August 17, 2008, Russia officially pledged to withdraw its forces from Georgian territory in keeping with the agreement. At the time, however, its forces had control over large swaths of Georgian territory, including the main east-west highway through that country. There was speculation that Russian troops might withdraw only as far as South Ossetia since Russia said it would only fully withdraw when Georgian police were ready to take over responsibility for security. NATO responded to anxieties that Russia would not abide by the withdrawal requirements of the agreement by warning that relations would be compromised if Russian troops remained in Georgia. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said that Russia was not occupying Georgia and would not annex South Ossetia. However, he also characterized NATO as biased and intent on saving the "criminal regime" of Tbilisi.
Meanwhile, Russian President Dmitri Medvedev told his French President Nicolas Sarkozy that the Russian withdrawal would be complete by August 22, 2008, although approximately 500 troops would be installed as peacekeepers on both sides of South Ossetia's border. Russian troops were soon identified exiting Gori -- the largest town in Georgia located close to the border of South Ossetia. Sarkozy, during talks with Medvedev, acknowledged this withdrawal but noted that Russian troops were yet to exit Poti and Senaki. Russia had earlier indicated that it would not soon leave the port city of Poti, and claimed that this would be in keeping with the terms of the ceasefire agreement. Medvedev's government said that Russian peacekeepers were allowed to take "additional security measures." However, the United States and the United Kingdom countered this claim noting that such buffer zones would violate the deal.
In other developments, the first United States ship with humanitarian aid was expected to dock in Georgia by the last week of August 2008. Two more ships were expected to arrive in Georgia as well.
In the last week of August 2008, Russia's Kremlin officially recognized the breakaway enclaves of South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent states. South Ossetians and Abkhazians celebrated the news of this recognition of their self-proclaimed sovereignty. However, withoutwider international recognition of sovereign status, and with many countries of the West committed to the notion of Georgia's territorial integrity, the actual status of South ossetia and Abkhazia remained in the zone of "contested independent status."
By the start of September 2008, the European Union (EU) had decided to suspend talks on a new partnership pact with Russia, given the still-incomplete withdrawal of Russian troops from Georgia. EU-Russian negotiations on the partnership agreement had been scheduled for mid-September 2008 but were based on a shared understanding that Russian troops would withdraw to pre-conflict positions. The lack of progress on that withdrawal front, followed by the EU's response, signaled that relations between the EU and Russia were moving into highly challenging territory.
Following a meeting in the Belgian capital city of Brussels, EU Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso said that the bloc that he represented could not "continue as if nothing had happened." As well, the European bloc's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, said that the EU could deploy civilian monitors to Georgia to determine whether of not Russia was complying with the ceasefire agreement that had been brokered earlier. Meanwhile French President Sarkozy said,"The EU would welcome a real partnership with Russia, which is in the interests of all, but you have to be two to have a partnership."
On the other side of the equation, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov warned that unchecked support by the EU and the United States for the government of Georgian President Saakashvili would be a "historic" mistake. He also introduced the notion of an embargo on arms supplies to Georgia until a new regime was established there. These declarations came in the background of Russian President Dmitry Medvedev's assertion that his country's foreign policy principles would not be dictated by the hegemony of any single country, such as the United States.
In October 2008, months after the Russian-Georgian conflict over South Ossetia, Russia has removed a checkpoint near the town of Gori. The removal of the checkpoint at Gori -- located in Georgian territory close to the separatist region of South Ossetia -- marked the first significant sign that Russia intended to comply with its withdrawal pledge, which was part of the ceasefire deal negotiated by French President Nicolas Sarkozy . Indeed, Russia has also pledged to withdraw troops from two buffer zones within Georgia -- now under European Union observation -- by October 10, 2008.
At the same time, Russia has increased its troop presence in South Ossetia -- largely a result of an explosion that left eight Russian soldiers and three civilians dead in the early part of the month. Russia accused Georgia of orchestrating the attack; Georgia denied the accusation. Russia also maintained its troop presence in the other separatist region of Abkhazia. Russia has recognized both South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent while Western countries have backed Georgian territorial integrity. The matter of sovereignty has remained unresolved.
Update:
In June 2009, the western Georgian town of Zugdidi was the site of three bombings that resulted in some structural damage and injuries to one person. One explosion hit a train and resulted in the wounding of a train engineer; a second explosion occurred half an hour later and damaged train tracks; the third explosion hit a truck just outside the town. While there was no claim of responsibility for the attacks, the location of Zugdidi close to the breakaway region of Abkhazia indicated a possible political motive.
August 2009 marked the one year anniversary of the war between Georgia and Russia over the breakaway republic of South Ossetia, which had implications for Abkhazia, as discussed above.
On August 13, 2009, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin visited Abkhazia, where he promised to build a military base along the border with Georgia. Putin also said that such a move would help guarantee the stability of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The Russian head of government said: "Russia is going to deploy its armed forces in Abkhazia and take the necessary efforts to build a modern border guard system in cooperation with the relevant Abkhazian authorities." He continued, "All these factors are serious guarantees of the security of Abkhazia and South Ossetia." Putin's pledge came on the first anniversary of the cease-fire, which ended Russia's war with Georgia over South Ossetia. As might be expected, Georgia decried the move, characterizing it as "yet another provocation," that could potentially "escalate tensions" in the region of the Caucasus.
Both Abkhazia and South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia during a war in the 1990s, which followed on the heels of the collapse of the former Soviet Union. Both Abkhazia and South Ossetia are recognized by Russia as sovereign states, but have nonetheless remained internationally-recognized as Georgian territories. They have increasingly become flashpoints in the region.
Written jointly by Ryan Holliway, Researcher and Writer, CountryWatch Inc. and Denise Youngblood Coleman, Editor in Chief, CountryWatch Inc.
Sources: BBC, International Crisis Group, Voice of America, United Nations Observer Mission in Georgia, Chicago Tribune, Agence France Presse