Summary
Since the final years of the Soviet Union, Russian-backed separatists in South Ossetia have sought to break away from Georgia and join North Ossetia, which is currently an autonomous region in Russia. While South Ossetians assert their right to self-determination, Georgia considers such separatist aspirations as a threat to its territorial integrity.
The dispute descended into a civil war in 1991, though a Russian-mediated ceasefire in 1992 ended the armed conflict and established a general framework by which to resolve the dispute. Despite the presence of Russian, Georgian, and Ossetian peacekeepers, tensions remain high and, in 2004, the situation once again descended into armed conflict. In January 2005, Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili announced a peace plan under which South Ossetia would receive a high degree of autonomy and economic incentives, though South Ossetian leaders continued to reject any attempt to put the disputed territory under Georgian rule.
The geopolitical dimensions of the conflict have growing increasingly important as Russia has sought to use its military support for South Ossetia as leverage against President Saakashvili’s pro-Western government. November 2006 marked the time of an overwhelmingly supported independence referendum in South Ossetia, which was intended to augment the thrust for sovereignty. But Georgia rejected such independence aspirations and warned that it could provoke a war.
In April 2007, the Georgian parliament approved legislation creating a temporary administration in South Ossetia The move evoked an outcry from South Ossetian separatists and contributed to devolving tensions with Russia. The situation was no less stable two months later when South Ossetian separatists accused Georgia of attacking the capital of Tskhinvali with mortar and sniper fire.
Peace talks between Georgia and South Ossetia in October 2007, which were hosted by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), saw no progress.
In early 2008, following Kosovo's secession from Serbia, South Ossetia called for international recognition of its self-avowed sovereignty and independence from Georgia. However, such recognition was not forthcoming at the broad level although the Russian parliament called on the Kremlin to indeed recognize South Ossetia (and Abkhazia) as independent.
In April 2008, the Georgian power-sharing agreement, which accorded significant autonomy but not actual sovereignty, was rejected by South Ossetia, which insisted on complete independence.
In August 2008, Georgia was carrying out a full military offensive in South Ossetia, intended to "restore constitutional order" to the breakaway region. Russia was responding with military action of its own. The situation left the region on the brink of full-scale conflict and in a state of crisis. By mid-August, a truce had been negotiated under the stewardship of the French government, aimed at bringing an end to the crisis.
See "Special Report" below for details.
Background/Context
The Ossetian people are believed to have migrated from Persia five millennia ago. The Ossetian language belongs to the Indo-European group and, though it uses the Cyrillic alphabet, is related to Farsi. Ossetians maintain that their ancestors have been living on both sides of the Caucasus mountains for as long as the Georgians, while Georgians claim that the Ossetians did not arrive until the seventieth century. The contrasting historical narratives about the duration of the Ossetians’ presence in Georgia form the basis of the dispute. Georgians believe that the Ossetians are merely guests in the region, while the Ossetians argue that the area is their historical homeland.
When the first Georgian Republic was established in 1918, the government accused the Ossetians of cooperating with the Russian Bolsheviks. Ossetian separatists subsequently launched a series of rebellions. In response, the Georgian government deployed troops to the region to defeat the uprising, allegedly killing 5,000 Ossetians while 13,000 more died from starvation and epidemics. After invading Georgia in 1921, Soviet authorities established the South Ossetian Autonomous Oblast (SOAO) within the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR). During the Soviet period, hostilities were latent, though Georgians generally believed that Ossetians in the autonomous region had special privileges that were not extended to them. Georgian authorities considered South Ossetia an artificial entity. South Ossetians, meanwhile, felt politically disadvantaged compared to Ossetians living in other parts of the Soviet Union.
In 1988, Ossetians intensified their efforts to change their status by creating Ademon Nykhaz (the South Ossetia Popular Front) in order to counter increasing nationalist sentiments in Georgia. In 1989, the SOAO regional council lobbied for either joining North Ossetia in Russia or being granted independence, which infuriated Georgians. Later that year, following increasingly violent clashes between Georgians and Ossetians in Tskhinvali, the Soviet Union sent forces to keep the peace. At one point, 15,000 Georgians marched on Tskhinvali only to be repelled by South Ossetia militants and the Soviet army. In 1990, prior to parliamentary elections, the Georgian government passed a law that banned regionally based political parties, which prevented groups like Ademon Nykhaz from participating. In response, South Ossetia declared its complete autonomy within the Soviet Union. Ossetians then boycotted the Georgian election and shortly afterwards held their own parliamentary election. The Georgian government, led by Zviad Tskhinvali, voided the election results, revoked South Ossetia’s status as an autonomous oblast, and declared a state of emergency. In April 1991, the South Ossetia Supreme Council voted for secession and integration with Russia.
In January 1991, the Georgian government deployed several thousand troops to Tskhinvali, which triggered urban warfare that ultimately was responsible for 1,500 deaths and extensive destruction of South Ossetian homes and infrastructure. As neither Georgia nor South Ossetia possessed a well-disciplined military, most of the fighting took place between small groups and paramilitaries scattered throughout cities and villages. According to Human Rights Watch, both sides committed atrocities against civilians.
In June 1992, Russia brokered a ceasefire and negotiated the Sochi Agreement. The Sochi Agreement established a Joint Control Commission (JCC) – comprised of representatives from Russia, Georgia, and North and South Ossetia – to pursue a settlement of the conflict. The Sochi Agreement also created a trilateral Joint Peacekeeping Forces (JPKF), which was comprised of troops from Russia, Georgia, and Ossetian areas. The JPKF had a mandate to monitor the ceasefire and maintain peace and security in the zone of conflict around the Ossetian capital of Tskhinvali and a security corridor along the Ossetian-Georgian border. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) agreed to monitor the ceasefire and facilitate negotiations.
In May 1996, the Memorandum on Measures to Ensure Security and Reinforce Mutual Confidence Between the Parties to the Georgia-Ossetian conflict called on all sides of the conflict to continue negotiating a final political settlement. Both sides renounced the use of force as a means of achieving their political aspirations.
In December 2000, Russia, Georgia, and North and South Ossetia signed an agreement to devise two programs to help resolve the situation. The first program concerned the economic rehabilitation of the zone of conflict and the second program dealt with the return and reintegration of refugees and internally displaced persons affected by the conflict. Despite the 1992 ceasefire agreement, the displacement of Georgians and Ossetians has yet to be reversed. Though prior interethnic coexistence in many areas was prevalent prior to the conflict, the failure of displaced persons to return to their homes has ethnically polarized the disputed area.
The conflict has spurred the development of illegal business operations, such as smuggling drug trafficking, arms trading, and kidnapping. Neither Georgia nor South Ossetia could agree on a system of customs control to regulate trade. The Georgian government felt that smuggling was a serious impediment to resolving the conflict, as it provided South Ossetian authorities a source of income that they use for social projects designed to secure the support of their constituents. The Ergneti market developed on a strip of land between South Ossetia and Georgia proper, near the Transcaucasian highway. Food products, gasoline, cigarettes, alcohol, illegal drugs, and goods of Russian origin were sold in the market, which was the mainstay of the local economy. Georgian officials claimed that the market robbed Georgia of customs revenues and closed the market in 2004. Knowing that the closure would affect ordinary South Ossetian citizens as much as corrupt officials, Georgia launched a “humanitarian offensive” to aid ethnic Ossetians with the hope of undermining support for the de facto government. Georgia pursued a range of social, cultural, and economic projects. However, ordinary Ossetians did not respond favorably to the overtures and instead blamed Georgia for their troubles. Ossetians felt that Georgian military measures in the region were not meant to combat smuggling, but were rather part of a strategy to reassert Georgian control of South Ossetia. Russia also sharply criticized Georgia for its actions.
In May 2004, South Ossetia held parliamentary elections, though the Georgian government did not recognize their legitimacy. In June 2004, the Georgian government accused Russia of providing arms to the South Ossetians. Georgian forces seized Russian trucks carrying helicopter missiles. Russia condemned the move, arguing that the shipment was perfectly legal under the ceasefire agreements. In retaliation, South Ossetian authorities seized 50 Georgian troops, but released them the next day. Georgian and South Ossetian forces began to exchange fire throughout the region. A resolution expressing support for the South Ossetian separatists passed in the Russian Dumas, further inflaming tensions. A Georgian-Ossetian ceasefire was signed on August 13, but was violated shortly afterwards. Georgia managed to seize strategic areas near South Ossetian villages, but handed control of those areas back to peacekeepers as a show of good faith. A second ceasefire was then signed. That fall, the four participants of the JCC agreed to demilitarize the zone of conflict.
November 2006 marked the time of an independence referendum in the Georgian semi-autonomous enclave of South Ossetia. Turnout was reported to be more than 90 percent and many analysts were expecting an overwhelming affirmative response to the question of independence. For their part, South Ossetians were hoping that the referendum result would help them augment their thrust for sovereignty. On the other hand, Georgia viewed the referendum as illegitimate and renewed its commitment to keeping South Ossetia within its fold. The situation strained Georgian-Russian ties.
Current Initiative
In January 2005, Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili announced his intention to promote a dialogue with breakaway regions in order to restore Georgian territorial integrity. Saakashvili offered South Ossetia autonomy within the Georgian state, though this fell far short of the separatists’ demands. Saakashvili emphasized the need to attract separatists through economic incentives. Saakashvili also proposed the creation of an international fund to facilitate repatriation and rebuilding in South Ossetia. The de facto leadership of South Ossetia rejected the plan, however, arguing that South Ossetians are Russian citizens. The United States and the OSCE reportedly backed the plan. In May 2006, tensions between Russia and Georgia once again rose when Georgia demanded that Russian peacekeepers be issued visas before serving in South Ossetia. The Russian Foreign Ministry accused Georgia of organizing a military buildup to reestablish control over South Ossetia by force. The referendum of 2006 was expected to spark tensions but the events of 2008 took relations between Georgia and Russia in an even more complex direction. See below for details.
Foreign Policy Positions of Key Players
Georgia
The Georgian government believes that South Ossetia is an integral part of Georgia and regards South Ossetian separatism as threat to Georgian territorial integrity. The government even goes so far as referring to South Ossetia by its historical name, Samachablo, in order to deny the implication that the region has any sort of political bond with North Ossetia. When President Saakashvili became president in 2004, he reaffirmed his goal of reintegrating South Ossetia. Georgia believes that the integration of South Ossetia into Russia would be unrealistic because the region is not economically viable on its own. Furthermore, as there is only one road link between South Ossetia and Russia, Georgians claim that the Caucasus Mountains provide a “natural barrier” to reunification. The presence of ethnic Georgians in South Ossetia also complicates the issue. The Georgian military believes that it does not have the capacity to restore Georgian territorial integrity through military force, believing that it would risk guerilla warfare and the loss of Georgia’s international support and credibility.
Russia
Russia has traditionally relied on the Ossetians as staunch allies. While Russia does not officially recognize South Ossetia’s independence from Georgia, it still maintains close contacts with its de facto political leadership. For Russia, South Ossetia has a prime geostrategic location given the volatility of the Northern Caucasus region. Russia also worries that the situation in South Ossetia could destabilize North Ossetia. Georgia accuses Russia of providing significant military and logistical support to South Ossetia. In June 2004, Russia’s Constitutional Court ruled that Russia could not unilaterally integrate South Ossetia without holding discussions with Georgia. As Georgia has sought to shift its allegiance to the West following the Rose Revolution, Russia increasingly views it military and economic presence in South Ossetia as importance sources of leverage against Mikhail Saakashvili’s government.
South Ossetia
South Ossetia, claiming a right to self-determination, wants to either achieve full independence or integration with the Russian Federation. South Ossetians assert that Ossetia was wrongfully divided between the Russian SSR and the Georgian SSR during the Soviet period. Ossetians have traditionally maintained good relations with Russia throughout Russia’s involvement in the area. Most South Ossetians have managed to obtain Russian citizenship and many have even attempted to migrate to Russia because of poor economic and political conditions. Many believe that their rights would be better protected within Russia. Since 1992, South Ossetia has developed greater economic ties with North Ossetia than with Georgia. As of 2006, South Ossetia has once again attempted to plead its case for integration to the Russian Constitutional Court.
United States
The United States (U.S.) supports both the preservation of Georgian territorial integrity and a peaceful resolution to the conflict. The U.S. has played no direct role in the conflict, though U.S.-trained Georgian soldiers have served as peacekeepers in the area, much to Russia’s dismay. The U.S. is also a staunch supporter of Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili and his peace plan to resolve the conflict. In March 2006, the U.S. State Department expressed concern when a Russian diplomat said that the Russian Federation would “protect the interests of its citizens” because the statement seemed to endorse the view that South Ossetians are legitimate Russian citizens.
Special Report:
Georgian military and Russian-backed South Ossetian separatists embroiled in fierce fighting; fears of war in the Caucasus emerge; France negotiates truce agreement for Georgia and Russia as fighting dies down; tensions between Georgia and Russia prevail
On August 8, 2008, the Georgian military launched an attack against separatist targets in South Ossetia. The military offensive ensued only hours after the Georgian authorities and South Ossetia's separatists agreed to a Russian-brokered ceasefire.
The situation began when Georgian military troops and Russian-backed South Ossetian separatists were ensconced in violent clashes over the course of several days. Georgian tanks then attacked the separatist stronghold of Tskhinvali, presumably in an effort to regain control of the region.
According to Russian media, several people were reported to have been killed in the shelling. As well, Georgian forces and South Ossetian separatists were reported to be exchanging heavy fire. To that end, explosions and rocket fire were heard in the area around Tskhinvali. The British newspaper, The Independent, reported that "the assault is coming from all directions."
For its part, Georgia said that it was taking this action to stabilize the territory [South Ossetia]. Georgian Minister for Integration, Temur Yakobashvili, said that his country was compelled to terminate South Ossetia's "criminal regime" and to "restore constitutional order" to the breakaway region. Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili himself called for an end to bloodshed to end, but warned the South Ossetian separatists that Tbilisi's patience was not limitless.
On the other side of the equation, South Ossetian rebel leader Eduard Kokoity said that Georgia was carrying out "a perfidious and base" attack on Tskhinvali. He also confirmed the assault on Tskhinvali saying, "The storming of Tskhinvali has started." Eyewitnesses on the ground said that the city was being attacked, the hospital was destroyed and the university was on fire. The Red Cross reported that there were numerous casualties needing medical attention.
In response, Russia was said to be deploying troops to South Osseta to assist peacekeepers operating there. Indeed, an aide to the Russian Land Forces commander confirmed that Russian tanks and troops had entered South Ossetia and were approaching Tskhinvali, which was reported to have been already devastated by the Georgain offensive there.
Russia's military presence in the region was not well-received by Georgia, given the fact that the Georgian government has long accused Russia of arming South Ossetian separatists. But Russia has its own counter-argument to levy against Georgia. It has accused Georgia of deliberately ramping up its own military presence in breakaway regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia and assuming a hard-line posture against these enclaves. Russia's tensions with Georgia have been partially rooted in another concern. Specifically, Russia has been opposed to pro-Western Georgia's ambitions to join NATO. This geopolitical element has textured the larger context of the territorial struggle being played out in South Ossetia.
It should be noted that Russia has enjoyed strong ties with South Ossetia, largely due to the fact that the ethnically-related province of North Ossetia is located within its borders, and both the south and the north have long hoped to unite. Indeed, many South Ossetians hold Russian citizenship. As such, with vested interests on both sides of the border, Russia called for an end to the ongoing violence. Russia also urged the international community to work cooperatively "to avert massive bloodshed and new victims."
However, the prospects for peace were not likely to be easily advanced, given the emerging situation in the region a day later. On August 9, 2008, Georgian authorities said that Russian jets had bombed military targets inside its territory – specifically in the Georgian town on Gori to the south of South Ossetia. They also said that one attack ensued close to the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline, which is known to supply Caspian oil to the West. Georgia described the air strikes as "a full-scale military invasion" and Georgian President Saakashvili claimed that Russia was at war with his country.
Russia had a very different perspective and placed the blame squarely on the Georgians. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov indicated the dire nature of the situation by asserting that already 1,500 people had died in the conflict and more than 30,000 South Ossetian had fled into Russia to escape the threat of death. The Russian government said that it had to act to protect the South Ossetians, many of whom hold Russian citizenship. Russian President Dmitri Medvedev said that Georgia also bore a responsibility for "protecting the [South Ossetian] population" and that his country's military action was intended "to force the Georgian side to peace."
By August 9, 2008, the Russian army had advanced to take complete control South Ossetia's capital of Tskhinvali. General Vladimir Boldyrev, the head of the Russian ground forces said, "Tactical groups have completely liberated Tskhinvali from the Georgian military." Boldyrev also said that Russian forces would keep up the pressure on Georgian military units. Russian President Dmitry Medvedev explained his country's objectives in South Ossetia saying, "Under these circumstances, Russia is guided by one task -- to immediately stop violence and defend civilians and restore peace as soon as possible." President Dmitry Medvedev also demanded the withdrawal of Georgian troops from the conflict zone, saying that it was the only way to settle the "tragic crisis."
That same day, Georgian President Mikhail Saakashvili called for an end to hostilities saying, "We propose an immediate ceasefire and the beginning of the withdrawal of troops from the contact line." On the home front, the Georgia's parliament approved a presidential decree that essentially imposed two weeks of martial law in the country.
A day later on August 10, 2008, Georgia said that it was withdrawing its troops from the South Ossetian capital of Tskhinvali in the face of Russia's counter-offensive. Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili said his country's troops were returning to the positions they held before the conflict erupted days earlier. There was, however, some confusion about whether Georgian troops were pulling out of Tskhinvali or withdrawing entirely from South Ossetia. Georgian Reintegration Minister Temur Yakobashvili confirmed that the troops left Tskhinvali but were remaining in other areas of South Ossetia. Russian sources said that Georgian military units were still active in South Ossetia.
Presumably due to the continued activity by Georgian military units in South Ossetia, and what Moscow described as continued Georgian offensive action, Russian forces were continuing to carry out its own military action into Georgian territory. Reports from the region suggested that Russia carried out an air strike on a military airfield near the Tbilisi International Airport.
With the situation grim despite the earlier declaration of a withdrawal of troops from Tskhinvali, Georgia said that it had submitted a note to the Russian embassy in Tblisi calling for immediate negotiations with Russia regarding "an end to all hostilities and a ceasefire." Russia confirmed that the note had been received. Russia at the time also denied Georgia's claims that Russian air strikes had targeted populated areas.
But movement toward a resolution seemed no closer by August 11, 2008. Georgian authorities said that Russian air strikes hit communications facilities to the west of Tbilisi and the port city of Poti in the Black Sea. As well, Russian forces were reported to have led a raid through the other breakaway enclave of Abkhazia into the western Georgian town of Senaki. On the other side of the equation, Russia said that the Georgian military was still targeting positions in Tskhinvali, despite claims of a withdrawal and overtures of a ceasefire. In this way, both sides accused one another of continuing the hostilities and exacerbating the conflict.
On the international front, the United Nations Security Council had earlier convened an emergency session to consider the rapidly deteriorating security crisis in the Caucasus. Little was actually accomplished at that session. Likewise, a spokesperson from NATO had already called on both sides -- Georgian and Russian -- to exercise restraint. However, with the violence ongoing, clearly restraint was not at hand.
Nevertheless, the United States said that it was sending a delegation to the region to try to negotiate a resolution. The United States Department of States said that the envoys would "engage with the parties in the conflict." As well, a European Union delegation was en route to the region and said that it was hoping to procure a ceasefire and withdrawal agreement from both Georgia and Russia. A separate Council of Europe delegation was also hoping to advance dialogue.
In the same time period, according to news reports, Russian President Medvedev reiterated the death toll -- in the thousands -- during a conversation with United States President George W. Bush. For his part, Bush, who was attending the Beijing Olympics, called for an end to the violence, warned of escalation beyond the zone of conflict, and endorsed the notion of international mediation.
Indeed, the international community's objective appeared to be focused on averting the prospects of a war in the restive Caucasus, which has long been regarded as something of a powder keg. Yet to be determined was the question of whether or not such efforts would actually yield positive results.
Days later, Russia noted that its military activity in the area was ending and Russian troops were seen retreating from the area. The hostilities flared again when Georgia sent in troops to try to regain control of South Ossetia. Nevertheless, witnesses said that the full brunt of the fighting in South Ossetia appeared to be ending. Elsewhere in the region, Russian troops were withdrawing from the other breakaway region of Abkhazia, however, separatist there were reported to be ensconced in some continuing clashes with the Georgian military in the Kodori Gorge.
Yet even with an official truce in the offing (as discussed below) and an end to the fighting, the situation was not peaceful. A war of words continued. On an official day of mourning in his country, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev charged that Georgia had launched "genocide of the South Ossetian people.” At issue were the deaths of thousands of South Ossetians, many of whom hold Russian passports, as well as the deaths and injuries to scores of Russian soldiers, including one general. The Russian leader used the Russian word "otmorozki," which roughly translates to "thugs" in English, to characterize Georgian troops. Meanwhile, Georgian President Saakashvili addressed a crowd of thousands gathered in Tbilisi's main and accused Russia of the "ruthless, heartless destruction" of Georgians. The Georgian leader also warned that his country would no longer be a part of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) -- a group consisting of former Soviet republics.
On August 13, 2008, French President Nicolas Sarkozy was leading diplomatic negotiations to help Georgia and Russia resolve the crisis that had been sparked when Georgian military troops and Russian-backed South Ossetian separatists were ensconced in violent clashes over the course of several days. Georgian tanks then attacked the separatist stronghold of Tskhinvali, presumably in an effort to regain control of the region, and went onto gain military supremacy over large swaths of Georgian territory.
Sarkozy put forth a peace agreement that both sides signed days later. Central to the proposed plan for a truce was that all forces would pull back to pre-conflict positions. Other elements of the plan included an end to the use of force, an end to military action in perpetuity, as well as the free access of humanitarian aid. France, as the head of the European Union, has called on the European bloc to endorse the peace initiative ahead of its submission to the United Nations Security Council. The European Union was also expected consider deploying peacekeepers to the region to maintain peace and security, and also to protect the supply of humanitarian aid.
The remaining thorny issue, which was not included in the framework of the truce, was the future status of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Neither Russian President Medvedev nor Georgian President Saakashvili was likely to find common ground on that matter in the immediate future. Indeed, the Georgian leader asserted, "The territorial integrity and belonging of South Ossetia and Abkhazia to Georgia can never be put under doubt."
On August 17, 2008, Russia officially pledged to withdraw its forces from Georgian territory in keeping with the agreement. At the time, however, its forces had control over large swaths of Georgian territory, including the main east-west highway through that country. There was speculation that Russian troops might withdraw only as far as South Ossetia since Russia said it would only fully withdraw when Georgian police were ready to take over responsibility for security. NATO responded to anxieties that Russia would not abide by the withdrawal requirements of the agreement by warning that relations would be compromised if Russian troops remained in Georgia. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said that Russia was not occupying Georgia and would not annex South Ossetia. However, he also characterized NATO as biased and intent on saving the "criminal regime" of Tbilisi.
Meanwhile, Russian President Dmitri Medvedev told his French President Nicolas Sarkozy that the Russian withdrawal would be complete by August 22, 2008, although approximately 500 troops would be installed as peacekeepers on both sides of South Ossetia's border. Russian troops were soon identified exiting Gori -- the largest town in Georgia located close to the border of South Ossetia. Sarkozy, during talks with Medvedev, acknowledged this withdrawal but noted that Russian troops were yet to exit Poti and Senaki. Russia had earlier indicated that it would not soon leave the port city of Poti, and claimed that this would be in keeping with the terms of the ceasefire agreement. Medvedev's government said that Russian peacekeepers were allowed to take "additional security measures." However, the United States and the United Kingdom countered this claim noting that such buffer zones would violate the deal.
In other developments, the first United States ship with humanitarian aid was expected to dock in Georgia by the last week of August 2008. Two more ships were expected to arrive in Georgia as well.
In the last week of August 2008, Russia's Kremlin officially recognized the breakaway enclaves of South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent states. South Ossetians and Abkhazians celebrated the news of this recognition of their self-proclaimed sovereignty. However, withoutwider international recognition of sovereign status, and with many countries of the West committed to the notion of Georgia's territorial integrity, the actual status of South ossetia and Abkhazia remained in the zone of "contested independent status."
By the start of September 2008, the European Union (EU) had decided to suspend talks on a new partnership pact with Russia, given the still-incomplete withdrawal of Russian troops from Georgia. EU-Russian negotiations on the partnership agreement had been scheduled for mid-September 2008 but were based on a shared understanding that Russian troops would withdraw to pre-conflict positions. The lack of progress on that withdrawal front, followed by the EU's response, signaled that relations between the EU and Russia were moving into highly challenging territory.
Following a meeting in the Belgian capital city of Brussels, EU Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso said that the bloc that he represented could not "continue as if nothing had happened." As well, the European bloc's foreign policy chief, Javier Solana, said that the EU could deploy civilian monitors to Georgia to determine whether of not Russia was complying with the ceasefire agreement that had been brokered earlier. Meanwhile French President Sarkozy said,"The EU would welcome a real partnership with Russia, which is in the interests of all, but you have to be two to have a partnership."
On the other side of the equation, Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov warned that unchecked support by the EU and the United States for the government of Georgian President Saakashvili would be a "historic" mistake. He also introduced the notion of an embargo on arms supplies to Georgia until a new regime was established there. These declarations came in the background of Russian President Dmitry Medvedev's assertion that his country's foreign policy principles would not be dictated by the hegemony of any single country, such as the United States.
In October 2008, months after the Russian-Georgian conflict over South Ossetia, Russia removed a checkpoint near the town of Gori. The removal of the checkpoint at Gori -- located in Georgian territory close to the separatist region of South Ossetia -- marked the first significant sign that Russia intended to comply with its withdrawal pledge, which was part of the ceasefire deal negotiated by French President Nicolas Sarkozy . Indeed, Russia has also pledged to withdraw troops from two buffer zones within Georgia -- now under European Union observation -- by October 10, 2008.
At the same time, Russia increased its troop presence in South Ossetia -- largely a result of an explosion that left eight Russian soldiers and three civilians dead in the early part of the month. Russia accused Georgia of orchestrating the attack; Georgia denied the accusation. Russia also maintained its troop presence in the other separatist region of Abkhazia. Russia has recognized both South Ossetia and Abkhazia as independent while Western countries have backed Georgian territorial integrity. The matter of sovereignty has remained unresolved.
The fifth anniversary of the Rose Revolution, which swept President Mikhail Saakashvili to power, was marked by chaos. As the president traveled in a motorcade with Polish President Lech Kaczynski close to the breakaway republic of South Ossetia, shots were fired.
Although no one was hurt in the incident, both the Georgian president and his Polish counterpart accused Russian troops of being behind the apparent attack in an area that has been the site of much cross-border violence. According to Reuters, one individual in Saakashvili's entourage said that South Ossetians fired warning shots when their motorcade came close to a checkpoint at the quasi-border area. Meanwhile, President Saakashvili said that the situation was a "reminder" that Russia was in flagrant violation of the European Union-brokered ceasefire between Tblisi and Moscow. President Saakashvili also railed against the Russians saying, "Twenty-first Century occupiers, who have no legal, moral or other right to be there and oppress people, are stationed in the heart of Georgia."
On the other side of the equation, however, the Russian military as well as South Ossetian forces denied an involvement in the gunfire incident. In an interview with RIA Novosti, a South Ossetian spokeswoman, Irina Gagloyeva, asserted the following: "The South Ossetian side has nothing to do with it. There was no shelling from our side." A Russian spokesperson said to the Interfax news agency, "The claims that Russian servicemen were implicated in the shelling of the cortege do not correspond with reality."
August 2009 marked the one year anniversary of the war between Georgia and Russia over the breakaway republic of South Ossetia. Both countries commemorated the war in ceremonies. In the Georgian capital of Tbilisi, midnight bonfires were ignited, and a minute of silence was observed as church bells rang to honor those who died in the war. In South Ossetia itself, there was a rally as well as a candlelight ceremony in South Ossetia are also planned. Meanwhile, a war of words was brewing with Georgia and Russia respectively accusing each other of being the cause of the conflict. While Georgia said that its assault on South Ossetia was in reaction to a clandestine plan by Russia to invade the territory. On the other side of the equation, Russia denied making the first move and said reacted to Georgia's "pre-planned criminal act."
On August 13, 2009, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin visited Abkhazia, where he promised to build a military base along the border with Georgia. Putin also said that such a move would help guarantee the stability of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. The Russian head of government said: "Russia is going to deploy its armed forces in Abkhazia and take the necessary efforts to build a modern border guard system in cooperation with the relevant Abkhazian authorities." He continued, "All these factors are serious guarantees of the security of Abkhazia and South Ossetia." Putin's pledge came on the first anniversary of the cease-fire, which ended Russia's war with Georgia over South Ossetia. As might be expected, Georgia decried the move, characterizing it as "yet another provocation," that could potentially "escalate tensions" in the region of the Caucasus.
Both Abkhazia and South Ossetia declared independence from Georgia during a war in the 1990s, which followed on the heels of the collapse of the former Soviet Union. Both Abkhazia and South Ossetia are recognized by Russia as sovereign states, but have nonetheless remained internationally-recognized as Georgian territories. They have increasingly become flashpoints in the region.
Special Report
EU-sponsored report places blame on Georgia for starting the 2008 war
A report commissioned by the Council of the European Union placed the blame for the start of the 2008 war over the semi-autonomous region of South Ossetia on Georgia. The report by the Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on the Conflict in Georgia found that the war, which erupted on August 7, 2008, was spurred when Georgian forces attacked the breakaway republic of South Ossetia, in an attempt to re-establish sovereign control. Indeed, the report read: "The shelling of Tskhinvali [the capital of South Ossetia] by the Georgian armed forces during the night of 7 to 8 August 2008 marked the beginning of the large-scale armed conflict in Georgia." The report unambiguously concluded that the attack by Georgia was not justified by international law as follows: "There is the question of whether [this] use of force... was justifiable under international law. It was not."
Still, the report did not cast Georgia as being the only guilty party. It noted that the hostilities between the two sides led to provocative actions by both Georgia and Russia. The report also acknowledged that after Georgia shelled South Ossetia, Russia responded by not only repelling the assault but, in fact, pressing further into Georgian territory. While Russia withdrew its forces several days later when a ceasefire was hammered out, it nonetheless retained a military presence in both South Ossetia and another breakaway republic of Abkhazia, which was also technically under Georgian rule. The report found that while Russia'a initial actions -- responding to attacks on its own personnel in South Ossetia -- were justified, its continued advance into Georgian territory "went far beyond the reasonable limits of defense." The report also found that the destruction that ensued after the ceasefire went into effect was "not justifiable by any means."
The report further dismissed Georgian claims that Russia carried out a large-scale incursion into South Ossetia ahead of the outbreak of war, noting that this accusation could not be substantiated. The European Union-sponsored report would only allow that there was some evidence of a low-level military build-up by the Russians in the area ahead of the conflict.
Perhaps not surprisingly, both Russia and Georgia interpreted the findings through an ideological prism most suited to their respective agendas. Russia asserted that the report had rendered an "unequivocal answer" on the question of who started the war. On the other side of the equation, Georgia said that the report showed that Russia had been spoiling for a fight throughout.
Editor's Note: It should be noted that the report also registered the human toll of the conflict. Approximately 850 people died in August 2008, more than 100,000 were forced to flee their homes to escape the cross-fire of violence, and to date, about 35,000 people remain displaced. Humanitarian aid agencies have warned that there is a refugee crisis continuing in the region.
Written jointly by --
Ryan Holliway, Researcher and Writer, CountryWatch Inc.
Denise Youngblood Coleman, Editor in Chief, CountryWatch Inc.
Sources:
BBC, Congressional Research Service, Federal Information and News Dispatch, U.S. State Department, Chicago Tribune